INTRODUCTION THE conceptions of life and the world which we call "philosophical" are a product of two factors: one, inherited religious and ethical conceptions; the other, the sort of investigation which may be called "scientific," using this word in its broadest sense. Individual philosophers have differed widely in regard to the proportions in which these two factors entered into their systems, but it is the presence of both, in some degree, that characterizes philosophy. "Philosophy" is a word which has been used in many ways, some wider, some narrower. I propose to use it in a very wide sense, which I will now try to explain.
INTRODUCTION THE conceptions of life and the world which we call "philosophical" are a product of two factors: one, inherited religious and ethical conceptions; the other, the sort of investigation which may be called "scientific," using this word in its broadest sense. Individual philosophers have differed widely in regard to the proportions in which these two factors entered into their systems, but it is the presence of both, in some degree, that characterizes philosophy.
"Philosophy" is a word which has been used in many ways, some wider, some narrower. I propose to use it in a very wide sense, which I will now try to explain. Philosophy, as I shall understand the word, is something intermediate between theology and science. Like theology, it consists of speculations on matters as to which definite knowledge has, so far, been unascertainable; but like science, it appeals to human reason rather than to authority, whether that of tradition or that of revelation. All definite knowledge--so I should contend-- belongs to science; all dogma as to what surpasses definite knowledge belongs to theology. But between theology and science there is a No Man's Land, exposed to attack from both sides; this No Man's Land is philosophy.
>>87 スピノザ、シェリング、ヘーゲル、マルクスを除いて西洋哲学史が 語れるとでも思っているのか? それにここではそれすら問題ではない。 繰り返すが、お前の短絡的な英文の読解が問題なのだ。 two factorsはlife and the worldに対応するものではない。 少なくとも対応すると言うことを論理的に導出することはできない。 それを決めつけた上に、表面的な読解を正当化する お前の知性のレベルがスレ主にふさわしくないことが問題なのだ。
次にもっと積極的に対応関係に対する批判の根拠だが life and the worldを2項対立で捉え、それを宗教と科学に対応させる意図があれば 一文目のような文の書き方にはならない。 そこが英文の文体が読めていないと言っているところだ。 例えば、次のような英文(下手な例ではあるが)が想定されるであろう。 Philosophical attempts concern themselves with two main factors: life and the world. The conceptions of the former come from the traditions of religion and ethics; those of the latter from what we may call science. ともかく、お前の読解には100%の論理的基準を持って正当化できる根拠はない、ということだ。
>>94 あほ。誰が「生命」と言った? 俺はわざわざ「強いて訳せば」ということばを付けて「生」と言ったのだ。 それに何度も言うように訳語そのものが問題なのではなく お前の短絡的な読解、及びその無謀な正当化を批判しているのだ。 お前が挙げた>>76の文章を見ても ラッセルがlife and the worldを宗教と科学に対応させているのではないことが 明らかではないか。 宗教はwhat is beyond definite knowledgeに、科学はwhat is within definite knowledgeに 対応するのであって人生と世界に対応するのではない。
Ever since men became capable of free speculation, their actions, in innumerable important respects, have depended upon their theories as to the world and human life, as to what is good and what is evil.
the world and human life, とラッセル自身が記しているんだから、life and the worldのlifeは、human lifeの意味である。 論証終わり。
their theories as to the world and human life their theories as to the world and human life their theories as to the world and human life their theories as to the world and human life their theories as to the world and human life
>>106 アホ。さすがに英文が読めないだけあるな。 ちゃんと一行目の文(THE conceptions of life and the world which we call "philosophical") は理解できてるか? では物自体の概念はこの文の「人生に関する概念」と「世界に関する概念」のどちらになるのだ? 「人生」に関する概念とこじつけるか?
さらに俺は何度も言っているように、お前の「(人)生と世界」を「宗教と科学」に 対応させる短絡論理を批判しているのだ。 their theories as to the world and human lifeからどうやって その対応関係を論理的に導き出せるのだ?頭は大丈夫か?
>>112 なんて非論理的なやつなんだ。 正確に答えろ。 物自体はthe conceptions of life なのか、それとも the conceptions of the world なのか?
>>113 それがどうした?反論に詰まってコピペしかできなくなったか? 俺は一貫して訳の問題が本質なのではないと言っている。 お前が「人生」という訳を導き出した論理的根拠が破綻していると言っているのだ。 さらに言えば、一文目の訳は英文に忠実に「生」と訳しても一向にかまわない。 もしラッセルが明確にhuman life と the world を2項対立関係において 宗教と科学に対応させたいのであれば、前にも書いたように、ああいう書き出しにはならない。 まだわからないのか? 一文目のラッセルは我々が思考する対象全般の意味で、life and the world と 書いているだけであって、それ以上の意味はない。人生と訳そうが生と訳そうが どちらでもかまわないが、敢えてhuman life と書く代わりにlifeと書いているのだから それに忠実に訳せば、「生」となるだけだ。
INTRODUCTION はじめに THE conceptions of life and the world which we call "philosophical" are a product of two factors: 「哲学」と呼ばれる、人生やこの世界から引き出した観念は、二つの要素から作られたものだ。それは
one, inherited religious and ethical conceptions; the other, the sort of investigation which may be called "scientific," using this word in its broadest sense. 1つは社会に受け継がれてきた宗教・倫理の観念であり、もう1つが( 限りなく広い意味でのこの言葉を使っているが)「科学的」と呼ばれている ものの研究の仕方である。
>Individual philosophers have differed widely in regard to the proportions in which these two factors entered into their systems それぞれの哲学者が、自分の思考回路にこの二つの要素をどういう割合で取り込むかは 相当なばらつきがあるが、
>, but it is >the presence of both, in some degree, that characterizes philosophy. ともあれ、どちらの要素もそれなりにあるということこそ哲学と いうものの特色といえる。
THE conceptions of life and the world which we call "philosophical" are a product of two factors: one, inherited religious and ethical conceptions; the other, the sort of investigation which may be called "scientific," using this word in its broadest sense.
わたしは「生命と世界」や「生と世界」の訳の不適切を 指摘する文脈の中で、「人間と自然」が哲学の主要テーマである 以上life and the worldの訳は「人生と世界」と訳さなければならないと 主調したのである。ラッセル自身が厳密に排他的にlifeを宗教の対象として またthe worldを科学の対象として限定しているわけではもちろんない。 ただ近代の枠組の中で思考する以上、その「ほのめかし」はあると思う。 ラッセルは抽象的に「生」一般を問題にするより、もっと具体的に「人生」を考え 語った人だから、life and the worldは、「人生と世界」と訳すのがふさわしい。
If reason is divine, then, in comparison with man, the life in accordance with it is divine in comparison in human life. 「理性が人間との比較において、神的なものであるとすれば、理性に合致した生(life)は人間的生(human life)との比較において神的である」
哲学のテクストでは life とか Leben とか vie とかを、こんなふうに抽象的に 用いることがザラにあるので、"life" と出てきたら取りあえず「生」と訳しておくのが 無難だ。下手に「人生」と訳すと、意味が限定されすぎてしまいかねない。
Almost all the questions of most interest to speculative minds are and the confident answers of theologians no longer seem so convincing as they did in former centuries. Is the world divided into mind and matter, and, if so, what is mind and what is matter? Is mind subject to matter, or is it possessed of independent powers? Has the universe any unity or purpose? Is it evolving towards some goal? Are there really laws of nature, or do we believe in them only because of our innate love of order? Is man what he seems to the astronomer, a tiny lump of impure carbon and water impotently crawling on a small and unimportant planet? Or is he what he appears to Hamlet? Is he perhaps both at once? Is there a way of living that is noble and another that is base, or are all ways of living merely futile? If there is a way of living that is noble, in what does it consist, and how shall we achieve it? Must the good be eternal in order to deserve to be valued, or is it worth seeking even if the uni verse is inexorably moving towards death? Is there such a thing as wisdom, or is what seems such merely the ultimate refinement of folly? To such questions no answer can be found in the laboratory. Theologies have professed to give answers, all too definite; but their very definiteness causes modern minds to view them with suspicion. The studying of these questions, if not the answering of them, is the business of philosophy.
Almost all the questions of most interest to speculative minds are such as science cannot answer, and the confident answers of theologians no longer seem so convincing as they did in former centuries. Is the world divided into mind and matter, and, if so, what is mind and what is matter? Is mind subject to matter, or is it possessed of independent powers? Has the universe any unity or purpose? Is it evolving towards some goal? Are there really laws of nature, or do we believe in them only because of our innate love of order? Is man what he seems to the astronomer, a tiny lump of impure carbon and water impotently crawling on a small and unimportant planet? Or is he what he appears to Hamlet? Is he perhaps both at once? Is there a way of living that is noble and another that is base, or are all ways of living merely futile? If there is a way of living that is noble, in what does it consist, and how shall we achieve it? Must the good be eternal in order to deserve to be valued, or is it worth seeking even if the uni verse is inexorably moving towards death? Is there such a thing as wisdom, or is what seems such merely the ultimate refinement of folly? To such questions no answer can be found in the laboratory. Theologies have professed to give answers, all too definite; but their very definiteness causes modern minds to view them with suspicion. The studying of these questions, if not the answering of them, is the business of philosophy.
じゃあ、ここまてにしましょう。 Almost all the questions of most interest to speculative minds are such as science cannot answer, and the confident answers of theologians no longer seem so convincing as they did in former centuries. Is the world divided into mind and matter, and, if so, what is mind and what is matter? Is mind subject to matter, or is it possessed of independent powers? Has the universe any unity or purpose? Is it evolving towards some goal? Are there really laws of nature, or do we believe in them only because of our innate love of order? Is man what he seems to the astronomer, a tiny lump of impure carbon and water impotently crawling on a small and unimportant planet? Or is he what he appears to Hamlet? Is he perhaps both at once?
What a piece of work is a man! how noble in reason! how infinite in faculties! in form and moving how express and admirable! in action how like an angel! in apprehension how like a god! the beauty of the world, the paragon of animals!
THE conceptions of life and the world which we call "philosophical" are a product of two factors: われわれは生や世界を把握する或る様式を「哲学的」な把握様式と呼び習わしているが、その種の 諸々の把握様式は、いわば以下の二つの因数の積である。
>Is man what he seems to the astronomer, a tiny lump of impure carbon and water impotently crawling on a small >and unimportant planet? Or is he what he appears to Hamlet? Is he perhaps both at once?
"what appears to Hamlet" は "what seems to the astronomer" と対比されているわけだから、 「人間は偉大だ」というテーゼを指していることが予想された。 だが、ハムレット自身の人間観はというと、既に書いたとおり、「どんな人間も死ねば墓場のなかで ウジ虫に食われるだけ」という何ともニヒリスティックな人間観だ。
Why, then, you may ask, waste time on such insoluble problems? To this one may answer as a historian, or as an individual facing the terror of cosmic loneliness. The answer of the historian, in so far as I am capable of giving it, will appear in the course of this work. Ever since men became capable of free speculation, their actions, in innumerable important respects, have depended upon their theories as to the world and human life, as to what is good and what is evil. This is as true in the present day as at any former time. To understand an age or a nation, we must understand its philosophy, and to understand its philosophy we must ourselves be in some degree philosophers. There is here a reciprocal causation: the circumstances of men's lives do much to determine their philosophy, but, conversely, their philosophy does much to determine their circumstances. This interaction throughout the centuries will be the topic of the following pages.
Why, then, you may ask, waste time on such insoluble problems? To this one may answer as a historian, or as an individual facing the terror of cosmic loneliness. The answer of the historian, in so far as I am capable of giving it, will appear in the course of this work. Ever since men became capable of free speculation, their actions, in innumerable important respects, have depended upon their theories as to the world and human life, as to what is good and what is evil. This is as true in the present day as at any former time. To understand an age or a nation, we must understand its philosophy, and to understand its philosophy we must ourselves be in some degree philosophers. There is here a reciprocal causation: the circumstances of men's lives do much to determine their philosophy, but, conversely, their philosophy does much to determine their circumstances. This interaction throughout the centuries will be the topic of the following pages.
There is also, however, a more personal answer. Science tells us what we can know, but what we can know is little, and if we forget how much we cannot know we become insensitive to many things of very great importance. Theology, on the other hand, induces a dogmatic belief that we have knowledge where in fact we have ignorance, and by doing so generates a kind of impertinent insolence towards the universe. Uncertainty, in the presence of vivid hopes and fears, is painful, but must be endured if we wish to live without the support of comforting fairy tales. It is not good either to forget the questions that philosophy asks, or to persuade ourselves that we have found indubitable answers to them. To teach how to live without certainty, and yet without being paralyzed by hesitation, is perhaps the chief thing that philosophy, in our age, can still do for those who study it.
"in the presence of vivid hopes and fears" は "become insensitive to many things of very great importance" との対比で 言われている。したがって、"vivid" とは 「"insensitive" ではない」という意味であり、「明確さ」が問題になっているのではない。 文の前半全体を訳すと、「生き生きとした期待や不安を持ちあわせていながら、はっきりと分からないということは辛いものだ」 となる。
>9-10行目: 明白な答えを見つけたと説いて回ること
おそらく、"to persuade ourselves" を「われわれ(の仲間)に説く」と読んだのだろうが、「自分自身を納得させる」というのが 正しい読み方だ。というのも、"to persuade ourselves that we have found indubitable answers to them" という表現は、 すぐ前に出てきた "Theology ... induces a dogmatic belief that we have knowledge where in fact we have ignorance" (「神学は、実際には知っていないことに関して我々には知識があるという信念を引き起こす」)の言い換えだからだ。
> "in the presence of vivid hopes and fears" は "become insensitive to many things of very great importance" との対比で > 言われている。したがって、"vivid" とは 「"insensitive" ではない」という意味であり、
>>393 もちろん明示的な対比ではない。だが、「どれだけ多くのことをわれわれは知らずにいるかを忘れ」て、 「多くの重要なことに対して無感覚に」なった状態では、「不確実性が苦痛である」ということには ならないはずだ。したがって、 "in the presence of vivid hopes and fears" という言葉がわざわざ 挿入されているのは、そういう無感覚な状態ではないという条件を与えるためだと考えられる。 そういう意味で "insensitive" と "vivid" が暗に対比されているといいうると思うのだけど、いかがだろうか?
>>394 ここでの uncertaintyって、神学的解答が与えられないときの不確実性だろうから 前段の科学的盲信による愚鈍さと対比をなしているとは読めないんじゃないかな? 単に神学的解答なしで生きていくときに生じる現実的で生き生きとした希望や不安、 ってことのような気がする。そのすぐ後に続く逆説の文 but must be endured if we wish to live without the support of comforting fairy tales. を見ても、comforting fairy tales が神学的解答にあたるものだろうから。
>>396 申し訳ないけど、納得できないな。 神学的解答と言ったのはknowledge where in fact we have ignoranceの部分、 indubitable answersの部分を念頭に置いて言ったもの。 神学は本来確実な知識の持てないことがらに(傲慢にも)解答を与える、という文脈。 fairy talesはそれを比喩的に表したもの。
Philosophy, as distinct from theology, began in Greece in the sixth century B.C. After running its course in antiquity, it was again submerged by theology as Christianity rose and Rome fell. Its second great period, from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries, was dominated by the Catholic Church, except for a few great rebels, such as the Emperor Frederick II ( 1195-1250). This period was brought to an end by the confusions that culminated in the Reformation. The third period, from the seventeenth century to the present day, is dominated, more than either of its predecessors, by science; traditional religious beliefs remain important, but are felt to need justification, and are modified wherever science seems to make this imperative. Few of the philosophers of this period are orthodox from a Catholic standpoint, and the secular State is more important in their speculations than the Church.
ばかもん。 話はもっと単純である。 certaintyとは、what we can knowであり、 uncertaintyとは、how much we cannot knowである。 その『知りえない」という事実に対して二つの態度が可能になる。 ひとつは、insensitiveになること。極端な科学者の態度である。 もう一つは、hope and fearに圧倒されて、神学のdogmatic belief に支配されてしまうこと。極端な宗教者の姿勢である。
Social cohesion and individual liberty, like religion and science, are in a state of conflict or uneasy compromise throughout the whole period. In Greece, social cohesion was secured by loyalty to the City State; even Aristotle, though in his time Alexander was making the City State obsolete, could see no merit in any other kind of polity. The degree to which the individual's liberty was curtailed by his duty to the City varied widely. In Sparta he had as little liberty as in modern Germany or Russia; in Athens, in spite of occasional persecutions, citizens had, in the best period, a very extraordinary freedom from restrictions imposed by the State. Greek thought down to Aristotle is dominated by religious and patriotic devotion to the City; its ethical systems are adapted to the lives of citizens and have a large political element.
When the Greeks became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then to the Romans, the conceptions appropriate to their days of independence were no longer applicable. This produced, on the one hand, a loss of vigour through the breach with tradition, and, on the other hand, a more individual and less social ethic. The Stoics thought of the virtuous life as a relation of the soul to God, rather than as a relation of the citizen to the State. They thus prepared the way for Christianity, which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical, since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government. Social cohesion, during the six and a half centuries from Alexander to Constantine, was secured, not by philosophy and not by ancient loyalties, but by force, first that of armies and then that of civil administration. Roman armies, Roman roads, Roman law, and Roman officials first created and then preserved
Social cohesion and individual liberty, like religion and science, are in a state of conflict or uneasy compromise throughout the whole period. In Greece, social cohesion was secured by loyalty to the City State; even Aristotle, though in his time Alexander was making the City State obsolete, could see no merit in any other kind of polity. The degree to which the individual's liberty was curtailed by his duty to the City varied widely. In Sparta he had as little liberty as in modern Germany or Russia; in Athens, in spite of occasional persecutions, citizens had, in the best period, a very extraordinary freedom from restrictions imposed by the State. Greek thought down to Aristotle is dominated by religious and patriotic devotion to the City; its ethical systems are adapted to the lives of citizens and have a large political element. When the Greeks became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then to the Romans, the conceptions appropriate to their days of independence were no longer applicable. This produced, on the one hand, a loss of vigour through the breach with tradition, and, on the other hand, a more individual and less social ethic. The Stoics thought of the virtuous life as a relation of the soul to God, rather than as a relation of the citizen to the State. They thus prepared the way for Christianity, which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical, since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government. Social cohesion, during the six and a half centuries from Alexander to Constantine, was secured, not by philosophy and not by ancient loyalties, but by force, first that of armies and then that of civil administration. Roman armies, Roman roads, Roman law, and Roman officials first created and then preserved a powerful centralized State. Nothing was attributable to Roman philosophy, since there was none.
>>499 [ When the Greeks became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then to the Romans ], the conceptions appropriate to their days of independence were no longer applicable. This produced, on the one hand, a loss of vigour through the breach with tradition, and, on the other hand, a more individual and less social ethic. The Stoics thought of the virtuous life as a relation of the soul to God, rather than as a relation of the citizen to the State. They thus prepared the way for Christianity, [ which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical ], since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government.
Social cohesion, during the six and a half centuries from Alexander to Constantine, was secured, not by philosophy and not by ancient loyalties, but by force, first that of armies and then that of civil administration. Roman armies, Roman roads, Roman law, and Roman officials first created and then preserved 〜
> They thus prepared the way for Christianity, > [ which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical ], > since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government.
はむしろ、
They thus prepared the way for Christianity, [ which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical, since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government.]
ぐぐると、 The Uneasy Compromise of Liberalism and Corporatism in Postwar Germanyとか、 neasy Compromise: Problems of a Hybrid Income-Consumption Taxとか、 でてくるが。 困難な妥協?か、不安定な妥協かどちらなのだろう?
> 3 [ADJ: usu ADJ n] > If you describe a situation or relationship as uneasy, you mean that the situation is not settled and may not last. (JOURNALISM) > ・ An uneasy calm has settled over Los Angeles... > ・ The uneasy alliance between these two men offered a glimmer of hope...
When the Greeks became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then to the Romans, the conceptions appropriate to their days of independence were no longer applicable. This produced, on the one hand, a loss of vigour through the breach with tradition, and, on the other hand, a more individual and less social ethic. The Stoics thought of the virtuous life as a relation of the soul to God, rather than as a relation of the citizen to the State. They thus prepared the way for Christianity, which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical, since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government. Social cohesion, during the six and a half centuries from Alexander to Constantine, was secured, not by philosophy and not by ancient loyalties, but by force, first that of armies and then that of civil administration. Roman armies, Roman roads, Roman law, and Roman officials first created and then preserved a powerful centralized State. Nothing was attributable to Roman philosophy, since there was none.
[ When the Greeks became subject, first to the Macedonians, and then to the Romans ], the conceptions appropriate to their days of independence were no longer applicable. This produced, on the one hand, a loss of vigour through the breach with tradition, and, on the other hand, a more individual and less social ethic. The Stoics thought of the virtuous life as a relation of the soul to God, rather than as a relation of the citizen to the State. They thus prepared the way for Christianity, [ which, like Stoicism, was originally unpolitical ], since, during its first three centuries, its adherents were devoid of influence on government.
Social cohesion, during the six and a half centuries from Alexander to Constantine, was secured, not by philosophy and not by ancient loyalties, but by force, first that of armies and then that of civil administration. Roman armies, Roman roads, Roman law, and Roman officials first created and then preserved 〜
Roman armies, Roman roads, Roman law, and Roman officials first created and then preserved a powerful [ centralized ] State. Nothing was attributable to Roman philosophy, [ since there was none ].
During this long period, the Greek ideas inherited from the age of freedom underwent a gradual process of transformation. Some of the old ideas, notably those which we should regard as specifically religious, gained in relative importance; others, more rationalistic, were discarded because they no longer suited the spirit of the age. In this way the later pagans trimmed the Greek tradition until it became suitable for incorporation in Christian doctrine. Christianity popularized an important opinion, already implicit in the teaching of the Stoics, but foreign to the general spirit of antiquity --I mean, the opinion that a man's duty to God is more imperative than his duty to the State. This opinion--that "we ought to obey God rather than Man," as Socrates and the Apostles said--survived the conversion of Constantine, because the early Christian emperors were Arians or inclined to Arianism. When the emperors became orthodox, it fell into abeyance. In the Byzantine Empire it remained latent, as also in the subsequent Russian Empire, which derived its Christianity from Constantinople.* But in the West, where the Catholic emperors were almost immediately replaced (except, in parts of Gaul) by heretical barbarian conquerors, the superiority of religious to political allegiance survived, and to some extent still survives.
* That is why the modern Russian does not think that we ought to obey dialectical materialism rather than Stalin.
9行目 必須である → 強制的(命令的)である *すぐあとの箇所で "opinion that we ought to obey God rather than Man" と言い換えられていることから明らかなように、 どちらのほうが必須か、が問題とされているのではなくて、どちらに従うべきか(どちらのほうが強制力が大きいか) が問題になっている。
>>551 conversion of Constantine コンスタンティヌス帝による改宗 orthodox 正教徒(の) as also in the subsequent Russian Empire, which derived its Christianity from Constantinople.* ビザンティン帝国経由でキリスト教を受け継いだロシア帝国においてもそうだった。*
The barbarian invasion put an end, for six centuries, to the civilization of western Europe. It lingered in Ireland until the Danes destroyed it in the ninth century; before its extinction there it produced one notable figure, Scotus Erigena. In the Eastern Empire, Greek civilization, in a desiccated form, survived, as in a museum, till the fall of Constantinople in 1453, but nothing of importance to the world came out of Constantinople except an artistic tradition and Justinian's Codes of Roman law.
>>599 "we ought to obey God rather than Man" が「使徒言行録」5章29節を下敷きにしてるというのは 正しいが、これだけだと片手落ちだね。 "as Socrates and the Apostles said" って言ってるんだから、 ソクラテスのほうにも対応箇所があるはずだ。
>>603 "we ought to obey God rather than Man," は、直接的には使徒行伝の引用である。だから""でくくられている。 これは一般的な西洋人が耳にしたら誰もが思い出せるほど有名な聖句である。 同じ内容のことをソクラテスが述べていることをラッセル自身が指摘しているが これとまったく同じ言い回しではないので、プラトンの書物の直接の引用 ではあきらかにない。
During the period of darkness, from the end of the fifth century to the middle of the eleventh, the western Roman world underwent some very interesting changes. The conflict between duty to God and duty to the State, which Christianity had introduced, took the form of a conflict between Church and king. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Pope extended over Italy, France, and Spain, Great Britain and Ireland, Germany, Scandinavia, and Poland. At first, outside Italy and southern France, his control over bishops and abbots was very slight, but from the time of Gregory VII (late eleventh century) it became real and effective.
訂正。下が明日の課題です。 During the period of darkness, from the end of the fifth century to the middle of the eleventh, the western Roman world underwent some very interesting changes. The conflict between duty to God and duty to the State, which Christianity had introduced, took the form of a conflict between Church and king. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Pope extended over Italy, France, and Spain, Great Britain and Ireland, Germany, Scandinavia, and Poland. At first, outside Italy and southern France, his control over bishops and abbots was very slight, but from the time of Gregory VII (late eleventh century) it became real and effective. From that time on, the clergy, throughout western Europe, formed a single organization directed from Rome, seeking power intelligently and relentlessly, and usually victorious, until after the year 1300, in their conflicts with secular rulers.
The conflict between Church and State was not only a conflict between clergy and laity; it was also a renewal of the conflict between the Mediterranean world and the northern barbarians. The unity of the Church echoed the unity of the Roman Empire; its liturgy was Latin, and its dominant men were mostly Italian, Spanish, or southern French. Their education, when education revived, was classical; their conceptions of law and government would have been more intelligible to Marcus Aurelius than they were to contemporary monarchs. The Church represented at once continuity with the past and what was most civilized in the present.
次の文が正しいか非文か言ってみなw非文なら理由もな @The sun is setting at 8:39 tomorrow. AIt is raining tomorrow. BA degree needs having by all applicants. CJohn was talked to Harry about. さあどうぞ
次の文が正しいか非文か言ってみなw非文なら理由もな @The sun is setting at 8:39 tomorrow. AIt is raining tomorrow. BA degree needs having by all applicants. CJohn was talked to Harry about. さあどうぞ
次の文が正しいか非文か言ってみなw非文なら理由もな @The sun is setting at 8:39 tomorrow. AIt is raining tomorrow. BA degree needs having by all applicants. CJohn was talked to Harry about. さあどうぞ
The unity of the Church echoed the unity of the Roman Empire; its liturgy was Latin, and its dominant > men were mostly Italian, Spanish, or southern French. Their education, when education revived, > was classical; their conceptions of law and government would have been more intelligible to > Marcus Aurelius than they were to contemporary monarchs. 「(カトリック)教会の統一性はローマ帝国を反映している。 教会の式典はラテン語であり、その主だった人物はイタリア人、スペイン人、南仏人である。 彼らの教育は、教育が復興した時には古典に基づくものであった。 彼らの法と統治に関する概念は、当時の聖職者よりもむしろ マールクス・アウレーリウス(帝)にとって馴染み深いものであっだだろう(...)」
>>694 もしかして John was talked to Harry about. 「ジョーンについてハリーに話された」(「ジョーンはハリーに話す際の話題にされた」) の意味になるの? ラテン語の非人称受動、 De Marco ad Aurelium dictum est.(「マールクスについてアウレーリウスに語られた」) みたいな感じだね。 英語にもこういう言い方があるのか・・・。
The secular power, on the contrary, was in the hands of kings and barons of Teutonic descent, who endeavoured to preserve what they could of the institutions that they had brought out of the forests of Germany. Absolute power was alien to those institutions, and so was what appeared to these vigorous conquerors as a dull and spiritless legality. The king had to share his power with the feudal aristocracy, but all alike expected to be allowed occasional outbursts of passion in the form of war, murder, pillage, or rape. Monarchs might repent, for they were sincerely pious, and, after all, repentance was itself a form of passion.
But the Church could never produce in them the quiet regularity of good behaviour which a modern employer demands, and usually obtains, of his employees. What was the use of conquering the world if they could not drink and murder and love as the spirit moved them? And why should they, with their armies of proud knights, submit to the orders of bookish men, vowed to celibacy and destitute of armed force? In spite of ecclesiastical disapproval, they preserved the duel and trial by battle, and they developed tournaments and courtly love. Occasionally, in a fit of rage, they would even murder eminent churchmen.
>>767 たしかに、譲歩の場合も過去の事柄に言及する場合は might have repented でないと、 ダメっみたいだな。
まれな用法とはいえ、‘he might’ = ‘he had opportunity to’, ‘it was possible for him to’ と読むのには賛成するが、>>765には同意できない。 repentance の節を、主節として訳すのは、文法的にまったく不可能ではないし、むしろそう訳すことによって、 「君主たちは後悔したが、それにもかかわらず、その後悔は真のキリスト者の後悔とは違って、単なる熱情の 発露にすぎなかった」という対比がはっきりと現れるからだ。
>>780 告解の秘跡は、正確ににはconfessionではなく、penanceである。 oxford dictionary of christian churchのrepentanceの項によると repentanceの原語は、ギリシア語ではmetanoiaであり、ラテン語では penanceとある。repentanceには三つの要素があり、 1. sorrow for sin committed 2. confession of guilt 3. amendment ラテン語のpenitentiaは、最初の二つの要素が強く ギリシア語のmetanoiaは、三つ目の要素が強いと説明がある。 repantanceは、ラテン語のpenitentiaに由来するpenanceは ほぼ同義語とみなしてよい。
All the armed force was on the side of the kings, and yet the Church was victorious. The Church won, partly because it had almost a monopoly of education, partly because the kings were perpetually at war with each other, but mainly because, with very few exceptions, rulers and people alike profoundly believed that the Church possessed the power of the keys. The Church could decide whether a king should spend eternity in heaven or in hell; the Church could absolve subjects from the duty of allegiance, and so stimulate rebellion. The Church, moreover, represented order in place of anarchy, and consequently won the support of the rising mercantile class. In Italy, especially, this last consideration was decisive.
The Teutonic attempt to preserve at least a partial independence of the Church expressed itself not only in politics, but also in art, romance, chivalry, and war. It expressed itself very little in the intellectual world, because education was almost wholly confined to the clergy. The explicit philosophy of the Middle Ages is not an accurate mirror of the times, but only of what was thought by one party. Among ecclesiastics, however--especially among the Franciscan friars --a certain number, for various reasons, were at variance with the Pope. In Italy, moreover, culture spread to the laity some centuries sooner than it did north of the Alps. Frederick II, who tried to found a new religion, represents the extreme of anti-papal culture; Thomas Aquinas, who was born in the kingdom of Naples where Frederick II was supreme, remains to this day the classic exponent of papal philosophy. Dante, some fifty years later, achieved a synthesis, and gave the only balanced exposition of the complete medieval world of ideas.
After Dante, both for political and for intellectual reasons, the medieval philosophical synthesis broke down. It had, while it lasted, a quality of tidiness and miniature completeness; whatever the system took account of was placed with precision with relation to the other contents of its very finite cosmos. But the Great Schism, the conciliar movement, and the Renaissance papacy led up to the Refformation, which destroyed the unity of Christendom and the scholastic theory of government that centered round the Pope. In the Renaissance period new knowledge, both of antiquity and of the earth's surface, made men tired of systems, which were felt to be mental prisons. The Copernican astronomy assigned to the earth and to man a humbler position than they had enjoyed in the Ptolemaic theory. Pleasure in new facts took the place, among intelligent men. of pleasure in reasoning, analysing, and systematizing. Although in art the Renaissance is still orderly, in thought it prefers a large and fruitful disorder. In this respect, Montaigne is the most typical exponent of the age.
In the theory of politics, as in everything except art, there was a collapse of order. The Middle Ages, though turbulent in practice, were dominated in thought by a passion for legality and by a very precise theory of political power. All power is ultimately from God; He has delegated power to the Pope in sacred things and to the Emperor in secular matters. But Pope and Emperor alike lost their importance during the fifteenth century. The Pope became merely one of the Italian princes, engaged in the incredibly complicated and unscrupulous game of Italian power politics. The new national monarchies in France, Spain, and England had, in their own territories, a power with which neither Pope nor Emperor could interfere. The national State, largely owing to gunpowder, acquired an influence over men's thoughts and feelings which it had not had before, and which progressively destroyed what remained of the Roman belief in the unity of civilization.
This political disorder found expression in Machiavelli "Prince". In the absence of any guiding principle, politics becomes a naked struggle for power; "The Prince" gives shrewd advice as to how to play this game successfully. What had happened in the great age of Greece happened again in Renaissance Italy: traditional moral restraints disappeared, because they were seen to be associated with superstition; the liberation from fetters made individuals energetic and creative, producing a rare florescence of genius; but the anarchy and treachery which inevitably resulted from the decay of morals made Italians collectively impotent, and they fell, like the Greeks, under the domination of nations less civilized than themselves but not so destitute of social cohesion.
The result, however, was less disastrous than in the case of Greece, because the newly powerful nations, with the exception of Spain, showed themselves as capable of great achievement as the Italians had been. From the sixteenth century onward, the history of European thought is dominated by the Reformation. The Reformation was a complex many-sided movement, and owed its success to a variety of causes. In the main, it was a revolt of the northern nations against the renewed dominion of Rome. Religion was the force that had subdued the North, but religion in Italy had decayed: the papacy remained as an institution, and extracted a huge tribute from Germany and England, but these nations, which were still pious, could feel no reverence for the Borgias and Medicis, who professed to save souls from purgatory in return for cash which they squandered on luxury and immorality.
>>829 the newly powerful nations, with the exception of Spain, showed themselves as capable of great achievement as the Italians had been. この文て、具体的になんのことを差しているんだろう?
次の課題です。 National motives, economic motives, and moral motives all combined to strengthen the revolt against Rome. Moreover the Princes soon perceived that, if the Church in their territories became merely national, they would be able to dominate it, and would thus become much more powerful at home than they had been while sharing dominion with the Pope. For all these reasons, Luther's theological innovations were welcomed by rulers and peoples alike throughout the greater part of northern Europe.
次の個所も掲載しておきます。 The Catholic Church was derived from three sources. Its sacred history was Jewish, its theology was Greek, its government and canon law were, at least indirectly, Roman. The Reformation rejected the Roman elements, softened the Greek elements, and greatly strengthened the Judaic elements. It thus co-operated with the nationalist forces which were undoing the work of social cohesion which had been effected first by the Roman Empire and then by the Roman Church. In Catholic doctrine, divine revelation did not end with the scriptures, but continued from age to age through the medium of the Church, to which, therefore, it was the duty of the individual to submit his private opinions. Protestants, on the contrary, rejected the Church as a vehicle of revelation; truth was to be sought only in the Bible, which each man could interpret for himself. If men differed in their interpretation, there was no divinely appointed authority to decide the dispute. In practice, the State claimed the right that had formerly belonged to the Church, but this was a usurpation. In Protestant theory, there should be no earthly intermediary between the soul and God.
課題 There was a tendency,quickly developed,towards anarchism in politics,and,in religion,towards mysticism,which had always fitted with difficulty into the framework of Catholic orthodoxy.
課題 There came to be not one Protestantism,but a multitude of sects;not one philosophy opposed to scholasticism,but as many as there were philosophers; not,as in the thirteenth century,one Emperor opposed to the Pope,but a large number of heretical kings.
課題 The result,in thought as in literature,was a continually deepening subjectivism,operating at first as a wholesome liberation from spiritual slavery,but advancing steadily towards a personal isolation inimical to social sanity.
課題 Modern philosophy begins with Descartes,whose fundamental certainty is the existence of himself and his thoughts,from which the external world is to be inferred.
課題 With subjectivism in philosophy,anarchism in politics goes hand in hand. Already during Luther's lifetime,unwelcome and unacknowledged disciples had developed the doctrine of Anabaptism,which,for a time,dominated the city of Munster.
課題 The Anabaptists repudiated all law,since they held that the good man will be guided at every momemt by the Holy Spirit,who cannot be bound by formulas.From this premiss they arrive at communism and sexual promiscuity; they were therefore exterminated after a heroic resistance.
課題 But their doctrine,in softened forms,spread to Holland,English and America;historically,it is the source of Quakerism.A fiercer form of anarchism,no longer connected with religion,arose in the nineteenth century.In Russia,in Spain,and to a lesser degree in Italy,it had considerable success,and to this day jt remains a bugbear of the American immigration authorities.
課題 This modern form,though anti-religious,has still much of the spirit of early Protestantism;it differs mainly in directing against secular governments the hostility that Luther directed against popes. Subjectivity,once let loose,could not be confined within limits until it had run its course
課題 In moral,the Protestant emphasis on the individual conscience was essentially anarchic. Habit and custom were so strong that,except in occasional outbreaks such as that of Munster,the disciples of individualism in ethics continued to act in a manner which was conventionally virtuous.
課題 But this was a precarious equilibrium .The eighteenth-century cult of "sensibility"began to break it down:an act was admired,not for its good cosequences,or for its conformity to a moral code ,but for the emotion that inspired it.Out of this attitude developed the cult of the hero, as it is expressed by Carlyle and Nietzsche,and the Byronic cult of violent passion of no matter what kind.
課題 The romantic movement,in art,in literature,and in politics,is bound up with this subjective way of judging men,not as members of a community, but as aesthetically delightful objects of contemplation.Tigers are more beautiful than sheep,but we prefer them behind bars. The typical romantic removes the bars and enjoys the magnificent leaps with which the tiger annihilates the sheep.He exhorts men to imagine themselves tigers,and when he succeeds the results are not wholly pleasant.
課題 First,a half-way compromise philosophy,the doctrine of liberalism, which attempted to assign the respective spheres of government and the individual.
課題 This begins,in its modern form,with Locke,who is as much opposed to "enthusiasm"―the individualism of the Anabaptists―as to absolute authority and blind subservience to tradition.
課題 A more thoroughgoing revolt leads to the doctrine of State worship, which assigns to the State the position that Catholicism gave to theChurch,or even,sometimes,to God.
課題 Hobbes,Rousseau,and Hegel represent different phases of this theory, and their doctrines are embodied practically in Cromwell,Napoleon,and modern Germany.Communism,in theory,is far removed from such philosophies, but is driven ,in practice,to a type of community very similar to that which results from State worship.
課題 Throughout this long development,from 600B.C. to the present day, Philosophers have been divided into those who wished to tighten social bonds and those who wished to relax them.
課題 With this difference others have been associated. The disciplinarians have advocated some system of dogma,either old or new,and have therefore been compelled to be,in a greater or less degree,hostile to science, since their dogmas could not be proved empirically.They have almost invariably taught that happiness is not the good,but that"nobility"or "heroism"is to be preferred.They have had a sympathy with the irrational parts of human nature, since they have felt reason to be inimical to social cohesion.
課題 The libertarians,on the other hand,with the exception of the extreme anarchists,have tended to be scientific,utilitarian,rationalistic,hostile to violent passion,and enemies of all the more profound forms of religion. This conflict existed in Greece before the rise of what we recognize as philosophy,and is aleady quite explicit in the earliest Greek thought. In changing forms,it has persisted down to the present day,and no doubt will persist for many ages to come.
課題 It is clear that each party to this dispute―as to all that persist through long periods of time―is partly right and partly wrong.Social coheision is a necessity,and mankind has never yet succeeded in enforcing cohesion by merely rational arguments.
課題 Every community is exposed to two opposite dangers:ossification through too much discipline and reverence for tradition,on the one hand;on the other hand,dissolution,or subjection to foreign conquest,through the growth of an individualism and personal independence that makes co-operation impossible.
課題 In general,important civilizations start with a rigid and superstitious system,gradually relaxed,and leading,at a certain stage,to a period of brilliant geninus,while the good of the old tradition remains and the evil inherent in its dissolution has not yet developed. But as the evil unfolds,it leads to anarchy,thence,inevitably,to a new tyranny,producing a new synthesis secured by a new system of dogma.
課題 The doctrine of liberalism is an attempt to escape from this endless oscillation. The essence of liberalism is an attempt to secure a social order not based on irrational dogma,and insuring stability without involving more restraints than are necessary for the preservation of the community. Whether this attempt can succeed only the future can determine.
CHAPTER 1 The Rise of Greek Civilization
In all history,nothing is so surprising or so difficult to account for as the sudden rise of civilization in Greece.
課題 Much of what makes civilization had already existed for thousands of years in Egypt and in Mesopotamia,and had spread thence to neighbouring countries,
課題 BUt certain elements had been lacking until the Greeks supplied them. What they achieved in art and literature is familiar to everybody,but what they did in the purely intellectual realm is even more exceptional.
課題 They invented mathematics* and science and philosophy;they fist wrote history as opposed to mere annals;they speculated freely about the nature of the world and the ends of life,without being bound in the fetters of any inherited orthodoxy.
*Arithmetic and some geometry existed among the Egyptians and Babylonians, but mainly in the form of rules of thumb.Deductive reasoning from general premisses was a Greek innovation.
課題 What occurred was so astonishing that, until very recent times,men were content to gape and talk mystically about the Greek genius. Itis possible ,however,to understand the development of Greece in scientific terms,and it is well worth while to do so. Philosophy begins with Thales,who,fortunately,can be dated by the fact that he predicted an eclipse which,according to the astronomers,occurred in the year 585 B.C.
課題 Philosophy and science―which were not originally separate―were therefore born together at the beginning of the sixth century. What had been happening in Greece and neighbouring countries before this time? Any answer must be in part conjectural,but archeology, during the present century,has given us much more knowledge than was possessed by our grandfathers. The art of writing was invented in Egypt about the year 4000B.C., and in Babylonia not much later. In each country writing began with pitures of the objects intended.These pictures quickly became conventionalized,so that words were represented by ideograms,as they still are in China. In the course of thousands of years,this cumbrous system developed into alphabetic writing.
課題 The early development of civilization in Egypt and Mesopotamia was due to the Nile,the Tigris,and the Euphrates,which made agriculture very easy and very productive.The civilization was in many ways similar to that which the Spaniards found in Mexico and Peru.There was a divine king,with despotic powers;in Egypt,he owned all the land. There was a polytheistic religion,with a supreme god to whom the king had a specially intimate relation.There was a military aristocracy,and also a priestly aristocracy.The latter was often able to encroach on the royal power, if the king was weak or if he was engaged in a difficult war.The cultivators of the soil were serfs,belonging to the king,the aristocracy,or the priesthood.