ところでこれは"支那の反日教育は危険〜「愛国」は偏狭ナショナリズム広める"と いう見出しで平成14年1月23日産経新聞夕刊に載ったニューヨークタイムズの 記事の元なんですが(読むにはログインが必要です) The New China Syndrome By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF http://www.nytimes.com/2002/01/22/opinion/22KRIS.html ま、これを貼り付けても冷静に読む連中なんてほとんどいないんでしょうね〜。 反日洗脳教育は恐ろしいですね。ここまで人は愚民になれるのか!って感じです。 長いですが、攻撃材料の一つとしてお役に立つかもしれませんので…。 −−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−−− January 22, 2002
The New China Syndrome By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
BEIJING -- After seeing people around him gloating at the humbling of America in the Sept. 11 attacks, a Nanjing University student wrote an essay about this growing Chinese nationalism.
"What makes me despair is that at the same time these terrorist hijackers were gleefully smiling, at least half of our compatriots were loudly laughing," he wrote.
"Patriotism has virtually become part of our blood," he added. "But when I see that patriotism has become a banner for the abandonment of humanity, I suddenly feel afraid: What country and people is it that I love? Could a country and people like this one day move toward true terrorism and Nazism?"
The student is exactly right in seeing this antagonistic nationalism arising from the government's "patriotic education" campaigns and propaganda. When President Bush visits Beijing next month, he needs to raise the matter with President Jiang Zemin. It was President Jiang who launched the effort in 1990 to cultivate nationalism as a new unifying ideology for China, and he needs to know that we find this abuse of the education and propaganda systems unacceptable.
Education in China has improved dramatically, along with almost every aspect of Chinese life, and some Shanghai public schools now are better than some New York City public schools. But China still teaches history as a series of guo chi, or national humiliations. And this leads many Chinese to see everything ・the bombing of their embassy in Belgrade, the landing of the American spy plane in Hainan, even trade negotiations ・as another guo chi.
It is outrageous that the Chinese authorities continue to hold exhibitions falsely asserting that the United States used biological weapons against Chinese during the Korean War. For that matter, it is time that China stopped referring to the Korean War as "the War to Resist America and Help Korea."
The Chinese government's continuing suggestions that we deliberately bombed its embassy, or that the spy plane's recklessness led to the crash, needlessly inflame public opinion. Paradoxically, we're also hurt by a freer Chinese press: some quasi-private Chinese tabloids have the capitalist instinct, and because of the fervor to sell papers they are the ones with the most jingoistic stories.
One hopeful sign is that some Chinese intellectuals are themselves standing up to call for systemic change. An open letter by 27 prominent scholars denounced the gloating by compatriots after the terror attacks ・while saying that this was a minority response ・and added:
"We believe that one of the causes of this reaction is that for some time certain news media and educational concepts have misled people. For this reason, we call for a thorough reflection on every aspect of our public sphere, education, propaganda and news media."
In particular, China needs to stop inculcating a hatred for those it calls the Riben guizi, or Japanese devils. With schools, films, television and the entire propaganda network fulminating about Japan, the hostility is becoming dangerous.
Recently, a famous actress named Zhao Wei had her picture in a Chinese fashion magazine wearing a dress resembling the wartime Japanese flag. The result was that Ms. Zhao has become a national pariah. She was physically attacked and had feces thrown at her during a live television performance. The authorities ousted her from the Chinese New Year television celebration and fired one of the fashion magazine's editors.
In a China that is steadily becoming more open, jingoistic public opinion increasingly matters. One danger is that a hostile nationalism will box the government in and increase the risk of conflict with the United States over Taiwan, or with Japan over a set of disputed islands known to Tokyo as the Senkaku and to Beijing as the Diaoyu.
President Jiang himself is not trying to nurture xenophobia. But his efforts to use nationalism as a new unifying ideology risk having that effect.
One of the greatest challenges for the global community will be to manage the rise of China. President Bush must try to make Mr. Jiang realize that this process will go more smoothly if China modernizes not only its financial system and highway network, but also its propaganda apparatus, so that it promotes international harmony rather than hatred.
Analyzing the Tiananmen Papers An American sinologist explains why he believes the documents are real By ORVILLE SCHELL
ALSO The Truth About Tiananmen A stunning new book gives a revealing account of the power struggle in Beijing that led to the massacre
As the protests in Beijing gathered strength in late April 1989, China's leaders convened an emergency meeting. "This is no ordinary student movement," pronounced Deng Xiaoping, the country's paramount leader. "This is a well- planned plot." And with that, the demonstrators were officially branded "counter -revolutionary," a treasonous label, and the stage was set for the massacre that would ensue six weeks later.
The leaders' exchanges, including Deng's dramatic statements, are described in astonishing detail in the documents that form the basis of The Tiananmen Papers. But are the accounts true? A trio of sinologists?Columbia University political science professor Andrew J. Nathan, Princeton University Chinese literature scholar Perry Link and I?took on the challenge of trying to evaluate whether or not this unprecedented collection of documents was authentic.
Originally, we were skeptical. After all, the materials were transcribed from computer disk; they came from a source who insisted on remaining anonymous; they originated from within a Marxist-Leninist government not known for putting truth ahead of propaganda. By the end, however, we were convinced that this trove of papers?including minutes of Politburo Standing Committee meetings, accounts of leaders' phone conversations, reports from public security bureaus and military units?were credible.
Analyzing the Tiananmen Papers An American sinologist explains why he believes the documents are real By ORVILLE SCHELL
ALSO The Truth About Tiananmen A stunning new book gives a revealing account of the power struggle in Beijing that led to the massacre
As the protests in Beijing gathered strength in late April 1989, China's leaders convened an emergency meeting. "This is no ordinary student movement," pronounced Deng Xiaoping, the country's paramount leader. "This is a well- planned plot." And with that, the demonstrators were officially branded "counter -revolutionary," a treasonous label, and the stage was set for the massacre that would ensue six weeks later.
The leaders' exchanges, including Deng's dramatic statements, are described in astonishing detail in the documents that form the basis of The Tiananmen Papers. But are the accounts true? A trio of sinologists--Columbia University political science professor Andrew J. Nathan, Princeton University Chinese literature scholar Perry Link and I--took on the challenge of trying to evaluate whether or not this unprecedented collection of documents was authentic.
Originally, we were skeptical. After all, the materials were transcribed from computer disk; they came from a source who insisted on remaining anonymous; they originated from within a Marxist-Leninist government not known for putting truth ahead of propaganda. By the end, however, we were convinced that this trove of papers--including minutes of Politburo Standing Committee meetings, accounts of leaders' phone conversations, reports from public security bureaus and military units--were credible.
Given the absence of absolutely identifiable sources, we set about verifying the documents to the greatest extent possible. Link and I had been in China during the spring of 1989, and all three of us have written substantially about that period. Thus we were all familiar with the sources against which one could check any new claims, and weighed every newly documented "fact" against the records in search of telltale signs of contradiction or spin. We found a few minor glitches, but nothing alarming. We also circulated early versions of the manuscript to a select group of people around the world who were familiar with such documentary sources. Not one raised any major warning flags.
We were heartened, too, by the absence of strong polemic. After all, if somebody was weaving a synthetic web of untruth, he would surely have a discernible political motive. (Forget the profit incentive: no one involved in this project expects the book to make much money.) In fact, it struck us that the documents were all the more credible for their absence of sensational material. Consider the treatment of former Premier Li Peng, who is often identified as the villain of Tiananmen Square. Rather than appearing as a tyrannical madman, Li emerges in the documents as a solid party disciplinarian, true to his principles. The atmosphere described in Standing Committee meetings is low-key; China's leaders seem calmly in touch with reality. Such straightforward characterizations suggest authenticity.
I wish I could say more about our source, who is credited in the book under the pseudonym Zhang Liang. He is a real person, not a composite. We have met him many times, and ultimately we came to trust him. He has made himself available to us for many months, and his responses to our endless questioning gave us confidence in the documents' authenticity. There are things we learned about him that, for his safety, we cannot reveal.
To be sure, "Zhang" has a purpose: he hopes the book's publication will help spark a reevaluation of what transpired in 1989 and accelerate political liberalization in China. Since such a debate can't openly take place inside his own country, he felt compelled to take the documents beyond China's borders.
How should the reader approach The Tiananmen Papers? Unlike with The Pentagon Papers, one can't go to official sources to double-check their provenance. But much of what we have learned about China over the past 50 years has come from sources that couldn't be corroborated in an official, airtight manner. Consider the intelligence Taiwan has gathered on the mainland, or Harvard scholar Stuart Schram's painstaking efforts to piece together texts of Mao's speeches and statements from unofficial sources.
In the end, the question was whether or not to publish. We concluded that if we didn't move forward, we would be in effect suppressing a significant body of source material. This was no small decision for us. After all, our reputations are on the line. But while we can't vouch 100% for the documents' authenticity, we feel sufficiently comfortable to put our names on this project. In the end, of course, it won't be our collective wisdom that rules on the veracity of The Tiananmen Papers. History will have that final judgment.
Orville Schell, author of many books on China, is dean of the graduate school of journalism at the University of California, Berkeley
168さん、私は英語力なんてありませんよ。ただ、こういうの探すのが好きなもんで。(笑) >それ15さんですよね? ……はい、そうです。_(^^;)ゞ 台湾独立建国連盟 英文HPより World United Formosans for Independence Independence Movement
Decades of KMT (Nationalist Chinese Party) oppression and "White Terror" through rule of secret police, martial law, brain-washing by the chauvinist Chinese educational systems and mass-media monopolized and controlled by KMT made it impossible for the opposition to organize safely and effectively within Taiwan. Consequently, since early 1960's, increasing numbers of Taiwanese college graduates went abroad to study in the realm of freedom, in Japan, Europe, Canada and USA, and began organizing anti-KMT activities as well as movements for Taiwan independence.
In 1970, the Taiwan independence movement organizations in Japan, Europe, Canada, and USA, joined forces under the name of World United Formosans for Independence. The goal was to consolidate and focus the effort put forth by the Taiwanese communities to demand for justice and to establish an independent and democratic Taiwan.
In January 1990, WUFI declared officially its decision to move the organization back to Taiwan within two years. In reality, couple years before the decision was made, other overt and covert activities were already under way to pave the ground for moving back to Taiwan. So the decision was soon carried out, many key members, including the leaders of each WUFI headquarters around the world, returned to Taiwan by their own ways and means. Since they were all on the "blacklist" of the KMT regime, at the time when they entered Taiwan or after a period of staying underground, some of the leaders were arrested and charged with sedition and illegal entry--some of them were wanted by the KMT regime for sedition charges, but when they applied for entry visa to face the charges, their rights to return to Taiwan were denied.
After moving back to Taiwan, WUFI have joined hands and worked together with the opposition forces in Taiwan in order to carried out the following important and urgent tasks concurrently: to demolish the KMT monopoly of mass media, to internationalize the so-called Taiwan issues, to advocate "one Taiwan, one China" policy, to advocate abolishing the Chinese constitution, to support the democratization process of Taiwan and the movements to Join the United Nations.
WUFI advocates the use of peaceful and non-violent means to achieve its goals. After the establishment of the Republic of Taiwan, all citizens of Taiwan shall be considered equals. Individuals wishing to maintain their "Chinese" citizenship would be given assistance, if they choose to return to China. They may also opt to remain in Taiwan as resident aliens with their rights fully protected.
The Objective
WUFI is dedicated to the establishment of a free, democratic and independent Republic of Taiwan in accordance with the principle of self-determination of peoples. We are committed to the fundamental freedoms and human rights embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and therefore repudiate all forms of foreign dominance and interventions that run counter to the interests of the 21- million Taiwanese people.
>185さん。URL貼らないでおきますね、見られてるだろうから。(笑) Love-The Primary Need For China By the dead
A commonly asked question among Chinese intellectuals today is, "What does China need the most?" Some think that China needs democracy, law and technology. While others feel that advanced management and funds are more crucial. No doubt, China does need all of these things and the overseas Chinese intellectuals can very well be the channel to bring modernization to China and awaken "the lion in the East." However, foreign expertise needs a firm foundation to build upon. That foundation has to be the love of Christ.
I. The Chinese Lack a Unifying Force.
Buo Yang, author of "The Ugly Chinese" depicted the ugly side of the Chinese in his book. It, indeed, reveals a truth-- the Chinese do not have a uniting force. As a Chinese saying goes, "One Chinese man is as powerful as a dragon, but three of them together are as feeble as a worm." A nation without a uniting force is a nation without power.
Looking into Chinese history, we clearly see that each change of dynasty in China resulted in many executions and deaths. There has never been a peaceful transition in Chinese history. For this reason, the Chinese adore military power - ancient times and modern times alike, high class and low class, war time and peace time. It has been proven true in China that power comes from the barrels of guns. The adoration of militarism has nurtured in the Chinese an eagerness to fight. The word "struggle" is not merely political jargon; it is a mind set that is hard to part with. Mao Tse-Tung once said, "How delightful it is to fight against nature, the earth, and human beings." This reveals the winner's pride and love of conflict.
Mao wasn't the only one possessed with this sort of pride in the past forty years. Throughout revolutions and various movements, there have always been some " gladiators" who have taken great joy in this. Among them were shrewd experts as well as naive participants such as the "Red Guards" in the Cultural Revolution.
The winners enjoy the fight. But what about the losers or the sufferers? Some of them are so wounded that they live in a constant state of fear, while others feel hopeless with nothing to live for. There are some who laugh at the losers and sneer at them, wishing them even more misfortune. There are others who complain and are angry, saying, "Since I am not happy, don't even think that you can be happy". This sort of emotional complexes have created an abnormal human relationship among the Chinese. It's difficult to work together. "Always be alert and guard yourself from others" is a common mentality. "Fighting among our own" is a common social practice.
"Class struggle" is no longer talked about nowadays, as people all over the country are turning their attention to money. Have the Chinese finally undergone a basic change? I think not. The Chinese used to fight for power but now we fight for money. The battlefield has shifted but the strategy remains the same. The Chinese lack a uniting force which cannot be cured through Western democracy, law, technology, management and funds. Only the love of Christ can renew the hearts of the Chinese, build a new social order, and establish new human relationships. This is China's greatest need.
II. The Chinese do not Respect the Lives of Others.
The Chinese like to classify the human race according to social status and character. Of course, these classifications are subject to trends and personal whims. As the political weather changes, "good character" and "evil character" often switch places. The "hero" who flunked his college entrance exam is not mentioned any longer, while the intellectuals once persecuted are now back on the honor roll. In each historical period, people are judged by the standards that are popular at that time. So only those who fit that standard can be respected at that particular time. Respect and disrespect are based on relative and subject criterion for judging others.
In Mainland China, people often talk about others like this, "How can that rascal be human?" "Why is he still living?" This kind of statement suggests a basic disrespect for other people's value. At the same time, an unspoken self-pride is also implied, as though the speaker himself is the sole judge of the value of other lives. Therefore, human relationships in China are built upon attack and self- defense. This "fight among our own" mentality can culminate in tragic killing and destruction. The tragedy of the Cultural Revolution was an extreme example of disrespect toward others.
If a person can actually deny the rights of a fellow human being, how will he ever care for the needs of others and achieve social harmony? How can a uniting force be formed in the midst of such hatred towards others? Only the love of Christ can help the Chinese live in peace; only the revelation and wisdom of the Bible can enable people to know right from wrong. The Chinese will only be freed from this arrogant way of judging others when they realize the value God places on every human being. This is what China needs most.
III. As With All Mankind, Chinese Love Is Conditional.
Characteristically speaking, Chinese people are kind. This is especially demonstrated by what happened during the period of the "Tian-An-Men Massacre". I witnessed some very moving scenes in Beijing at that time.
1. The traffic conditions were exceptionally good around that time. Traffic disputes were at a minimum. Beijing folks are usually apt to quarrel, curse, and even fight in conflicts. However, during that particular time, they were courteous and friendly. If a biker accidentally hit another one, instead of quarreling they exchanged apologetic smiles and went on. When the students on hunger strike were starving, Beijing residents were so moved that they would have felt ashamed if they themselves misbehaved.
2. Those were hot summer days when the students were on hunger strike. Tian-An-Men Square was packed with people. It just so happened that the water supply on the square was turned off on one of those days. The student leaders asked the residents for help. Before long, money and drinks were pouring into the square. Some residents brought bottles of boiled water. At one time I was quite concerned that if the bottles were not sanitized, or if someone poisoned the drink, the outcome would be devastating. However, my fears proved unfounded. Although at ordinary times there have been people doing unlawful things, such as making counterfeit medicine, wine and milk etc., this time people's conscience was awakened. No one tried to take advantage of the students' vulnerability. Not one student suffered any health problems from the water that was donated.
3. A certain group of people in Beijing make a living by pedaling three wheeled carts. They were referred to as the "masters of the three-wheeler." I had never liked those people. They were street bullies, usually bargaining like crazy. Nobody dared to bother them. During their break times they liked to idle around in the shade, guzzling wine, snacking on peanuts and cursing. But it was those very " masters of the three-wheeler" who risked their lives during the massacre trying to rescue the students in the front lines. Their amazing speed in pedaling made them look like robots as they rushed the wounded to hospitals. They also showed unusual gentleness. They comforted the wounded by saying, "Hang on; we are turning! Be tough; we are almost there!" That night, beneath their usually rough appearance, I saw sweet and kind hearts.
4. On the night of June 4th, the hospitals in Beijing were not prepared to meet the needs of so many wounded. In fact few medical personnel had any previous experience in treating gun shot wounds. However, they all did their best, and worked frantically to save the victims. They operated at the peak of their efficiency at that time. Their medical skills seemed to improve to meet the demand. One of my friends got shot in his knee. The bullet went through the nerve. After surgery, the recovery was so fast that it became the most successful nerve restoration operation since 1949 for that hospital. The credit was given to the proper and prompt treatment he received. An even more moving story was that when government soldiers came to search the hospitals, some of the hospital staff destroyed the patients' charts in order to protect the wounded, and they also secretly transferred the wounded "dissidents" to other wards.
What I had observed made me ponder, "Why do the same group of Chinese act so differently at different times?" After the June 4th massacre, the friendliness, generosity, unselfishness and morality that were so beautifully demonstrated in Beijing once again vanished. The social animosity among the people went back to what it was.
The "love" among Chinese people is restricted to certain conditions -- with certain limits. At a particular time when people share a common interest or are mobilized by a crisis, there is some expression of human love and good conscience. However, once these conditions are removed, the ugliness surfaces once again.
This sort of charity that comes with limitations and conditions is so fragile and weak that it has no firm foundation. This love is not strong enough to sustain a normal relationship among people, nor is it sufficient to form a uniting force among the Chinese. Only the love of Christ can train Chinese people to have more stable and healthy emotions. Only through Christ can Chinese people be born again, over coming the former ugliness. This is what China needs most.
When we pray, we say, "Our Father in Heaven. . ." What does this mean? Doesn't it mean that all men are children of the heavenly Father? We are equally brothers and sisters! In all of human language, no single word can adequately illustrate the greatness of the love of Christ.
This Almighty and Supreme God came to us choosing the poorest and lowest status of all. By His sufferings and death we are redeemed. He manifested the love of our Heavenly Father, and also encouraged us not only to love our heavenly Father wholeheartedly, but also to love our neighbors as ourselves. In the past only a handful of Chinese understood this truth, due to historical and social limitations. But today, through the revelation of God, this "love" has taken root in more and more people's hearts. Our Chinese nation has gone through a very tough journey over the centuries; but today, the ancient nation has begun to wake up. As members of this nation, those of us who are awakened first have an obligation to wake up the others. Our forefathers devoted their lives to trying to bring righteousness, law, advanced technology and development to China, but without the "Truth" they were groping in the dark. The results they got were not what they envisioned. Cruel reality proves that all those attempts only led to a dead end. Following Christ is the only way out.
When each of us writes the word "love", our handwriting is quite different from others, but if we all write it with our hearts, it will always be read as "love". By the same token, if we all truly learn from Christ, love is always the real thing, and it never fails. Love can awaken; love can encourage. Let us first be people who love. Then we will build a home of love, a fellowship of love, a country of love, and even a world of love.
*****
Abridged from pg. 38-39, November 1993 issue of Overseas Campus Magazine
The author came from Beijing and is now a Ph.D. candidate at Harvard University.