某所より転記 ttp://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jun/01/turkey-akp-party-politics-kurds-religion Unrest in Turkey shows cracks in AKP's vision The economy is still growing, but concerns about religious interventions, political repression ? and above all the Kurdish peace process ? cloud Turkey's horizons Yavuz Baydar guardian.co.uk, Saturday 1 June 2013 17.34 BST イスタンブールの抗議行動は、AKP(与党)のビジョンの亀裂を示すもの 経済は依然成長しているものの、宗教的干渉や政治的抑制は、そして クルド族との和平交渉が、トルコの将来(ビジョン)に関わる Yavuz Baydar 英ガーディアン
The social unrest is concentrated in three main areas. 今回の暴動について3つの要素がある
First, the shortcomings in "public diplomacy" and lack of transparency in the five-month-old Kurdish peace process have led to confusion and anger, especially among Turks. 第一は開始から5ヶ月を経たクルド族との和平交渉において透明性や社会広報の 不足からくる混乱や怒りがある(中略)
Barring statistics on drunk drivers and the argument of "zero tolerance" for traffic violations, all other arguments used to justify the law ? health, public order, alcoholism ? have been unconvincing. 政府の始めた飲酒運転の統計を基礎にした「許容度ゼロ政策」はじめ健康や社会 秩序、飲酒などに対する政策は国民に不評で、
As a result, Turkey's famously rational urban electorate, including the Sunnis, has come to perceive itself as the target of a "lifestyle intervention". The agenda has since been occupied by an issue supposed to be a non-issue. 郊外のスンニ族などが自分たちを標的にした「ライフスタイルへの干渉」と反発 するなどの現象が有る
続き There is more. A pompous groundbreaking ceremony was held last week to inaugurate the construction of a third bridge over the Bosporus in Istanbul, even though the environmental impact was not sufficiently debated. The prospective bridge was given the name of Sultan Selim the Grim, the cruellest adversary of Alevis and Shiites in Ottoman history. Conqueror of Egypt, the powerful sultan is known for the massacres of tens of thousands of Anatolian Alevis prior to and after his war against Iran. さらに先週行われたボスポラス海峡の第三の橋の起工式では、その橋の名が Sultan Selim the Grimとされ、オットマン帝国でも残酷さで知られたサルタン であり、エジプトを征服しイランとの戦争の前後に数万人のアナトリアのAlevis を虐殺した事で知られる。
The anxieties are not limited to Alevis. A series of giant ongoing and planned construction projects in Istanbul ahead of local elections next year have ? like the new bridge ? united people of various political convictions and ages in a fresh opposition front. (政府のビジョンへの)危惧は、この橋にとどまらない。来年の選挙に先立って イスタンブールで計画された幾つかの巨大建設計画が各種のグループの反対運動 を呼んでいる
The AKP government and local administrations have the means to do whatever they please to centuries-old Istanbul, regardless of how the city's fabric and environment are affected. But if they continue to step up the use of force against passive resistance, as happened in Taksim's Gezi Park, the opposition could speedily emerge as a concrete alternative. 政府与党は歴史あるイスタンブールを環境への影響を気にせず改造したいのだが 彼らが反対派に対するに暴力をもってすることを継続するのであれば、つまり タクシム広場で起こったような方法であれば、反対派が活性化する。
続き One aspect of the social unrest and political uncertainty relates to questions emerging over the AKP's identity. The party is a powerful "social coalition", with a profile that goes beyond any Islamist identity, and has described itself as "Muslim Democrat" over the past five years. But during that same period, doubts have arisen over its "democrat" nature amid a slowdown in reforms, uncertainties in the Kurdish peace process and discriminatory rhetoric. And now the authoritarian and neoliberal attitude displayed in major projects concerning Istanbul's fabric, lifestyle and environment has given food for thought also to those who really know what "conservative" means. 反政府暴動について、ひとつの疑問と成る要素はAKPのアイデンティティで 彼らの主張する「社会連合」はイスラミストのアイデンティティを超えて 「ムスリム民主主義」をいうのだけれど、この民主主義の性格には疑問があ って改革の遅さやクルド族問題の不透明性、権威主義的な傾向が言われる。 イスタンブールの都市の歴史的建築やライフスタイル、環境問題などが与党 のビジョンへの疑問を沸かせる。 ------以上転記終わり------